Science Research Homepage
Overview
Poster Session 2006
BMC Home |
 |
Summer Science Research Abstract
Psychology
Summer Students 2006 |
 |
| |
Scroll Down to View all the Abstracts
|
|
Relationship between Gender and Aggression in Preschoolers'
Rachel Freeland
Mentor: Professor Kim Cassidy
During the preschool years, children become increasingly aware of their and others' gender. By the time most children are three years old, they seem to have a solid understanding of gender identity, as demonstrated by the ability to accurately label their own and others’ genders (Slentz and Krogh, 159). Information about gender guides children’s own behavior, as well as their ideas about appropriate behavior for other children. Several researchers have found that children often reinterpret social information in light of what they believe to be true about gender, even displaying memory distortions when situations are inconsistent with their conceptions (Liben and Signorella, 1993; Susskind, 2003).
In my research, I will examine preschoolers’ beliefs concerning the relationship between gender and aggression. Past research has focused on types of aggression that young children exhibit. Researchers have discovered that girls exhibit relational aggression (the intent to harm others by removing or threatening to damage a relationship or feelings of social acceptance and inclusion in social groups [Crick et al]) and boys exhibit physical aggression (behaviors that involve intent to harm others through physical acts such as pushing and pinching as well as verbal acts such as threatening physical force [Crick et al]).
I will be examining whether preschoolers’ gender stereotypes about aggression are consistent with their own aggressive behavior. To investigate this, I will read preschoolers several stories that may or may not be consistent with their gender stereotypes of aggression. I will then ask the children to repeat the stories back to me and check for any errors in recall concerning gender and aggression. In addition, I will be observing the children and recording their aggressive behavior. By recording the type of aggression they exhibit and comparing their behavior to their gender stereotypes demonstrated during the story recall, I will be able to see if preschoolers’ gender stereotypes of aggression correlate with their own aggressive behavior.
|
Gender Stereotypes and Name Phonology
Laura Severence
Mentor: Professor Kim Cassidy
Gender schemata and stereotypes are a topic of extensive research within the field of psychology. It has been established that gender stereotypes affect many facets of life, but it remains to be seen exactly how such stereotypes form. My research focuses on the notion that gender stereotypes may be manifested in part through the phonology of English forenames. Masculine and feminine English forenames have distinct phonological properties. While people may not be able to explicitly state what these properties are, people are aware that phonological differences exist between masculine and feminine names. Cassidy et al. (1999) have demonstrated that people can infer the gender of an object simply by knowing its name. I plan to examine the implications of gender stereotypes in relation to name phonology through various studies.
Most recently, I have been working to replicate a computer model that was originally created for the Cassidy et al. (1999) study. Once completed, the model will generate a masculinity or femininity score for any given name. This score will tell us the degree to which a name corresponds with the phonological properties of male or female names. Currently, we are entering information for 300 male names and 300 female names across 67 phonological characteristics. In order to obtain our corpus of names, we first referenced the top 500 names for children born in 1987 from the Social Security Database. From this list, we deleted all alternate spellings of phonogically identical names (for example, we included “Katherine,” but deleted “Kathryn” and “Catherine,” etc). We also excluded all unisex names (names given to both males and females). Currently, we are conducting a sub-study to determine which nicknames to include in our corpus. Though the Social Security database provides adequate information about given names, it does not provide information about nicknames. As it is common for people to go by a nickname rather than their given name, we want to incorporate nicknames in our corpus in order to have a representative sample. The model is a crucial part of our research and will be used for several future studies regarding gender stereotypes and name phonology.
My research also focuses on name phonology in relation to products and product preferences. Last summer, I collected data regarding names of prescription drugs intended for men and women. Upon the completion of the model, I will be able to analyze the phonological properties of drug names and test for a correlation between drug name and gender of intended user. Through this study and others like it, I seek to examine the role of phonology and its implications for gender stereotypes.
|
Identifing Patterns of Name Phonology in African-American Names.
Laura Sockol
Mentor: Professor Kim Cassidy
This summer, I will be working with Kim Cassidy on a grant proposal to seek funding for research to identify patterns of name phonology in African-American names. Name phonology refers to the types of sounds present in names; for example, number of syllables and ending consonants. This research will help identify phonological differences between distinctive African-American and mainstream American names. This information can then be used to determine whether individuals are implicitly aware of these differences, how and when this knowledge develops, and whether this knowledge affects behavior. This research could contribute to understanding the ways in which racial stereotypes are activated.
African-Americans often have “distinctive black” names.[1] These are names that identify an individual as African-American, due to the much higher rate of name usage by African-Americans than by other groups. African-Americans are much more likely to choose names that are indicative of their race than members of other racial or ethnic groups.[2] By 1980, the names given to African-American girls were, on average, twenty times more likely to be given to an African-American child than to a white one.[3] There is a similar split for boys, though not as large, because parents are generally more conservative with boys’ names. Because of the differential preference for certain names between African-American and mainstream Americans, names are a reliable indicator of race, although there are names that are equally common in both racial groups (e.g. common male names such as “Michael”).
While some distinctive black names reflect historical trends or are rooted in African naming practices, others have emerged from African-American culture. These names are phonologically distinct from mainstream American names. For example, three-syllable female names in which the first and second syllables end in an “ah” vowel and the stress is on the second syllable are frequently distinctive black names (e.g. Tamika or Latoya). These patterns are not rooted in any identifiable historical trends; rather, they reflect a tendency for African-American parents to invent unique names for their children within an existing framework of phonological guidelines.[4] By studying the phonological differences between African-American and mainstream names, we may be able to identify patterns which help individuals identify others as members of particular racial categories.
This would have interesting implications for future research on racial stereotyping. Distinctive black names have already been used in studies of discriminatory behavior, for example, to determine whether individuals with distinctive black names are less likely to be called in for a job interview.[5] Identifying the phonological features of distinctive black names will help other researchers determine which names to use in these types of studies. It could also provide an avenue for studying implicit racial stereotype activation. Because subjects often try to mask racist responses in experimental settings, the use of names could allow racial stereotypes to be activated without leading subjects to censor their own behavior. This could provide more reliable evidence regarding the influence of racial stereotypes on behavior.
[1] Lieberson, S. & Mikelson, K. (1995). Distinctive African American names: An experimental, historical, and linguistic analysis of innovation. American Sociological Review. 60(6). 928-946.
[2] Lieberson, S. (2000). A Matter of Taste: How Names, Fashions and Culture Change. New Haven: Yale.
[3] Levitt, S. & Dubner, S. (2005). Freakonomics. New York: William Morrow.
[4] Lieberson, S. & Mikelson, K. (1995).
[5] Bertrand, M. & Mullainathan, S. (2002). Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment evidence on labor market discrimination. http://post.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/mullainathan/papers/emilygreg.pdf
|
Mindfulness and Anxiety
Margaret Miller
Mentor: Professor Mark Schulz
Mindfulness can be defined as the ability to focus one’s attention on present moment experiences in a nonjudgmental way (Kabat-Zinn, 1994). Some conceptualizations of anxiety suggest that anxious people focus too much on internal signs of physiological awareness. However, they often overestimate signs of physiological arousal and their awareness may not be accurate which would mean that they have low mindfulness (Hofmann, 1999). I will be examining links between anxiety and bodily awareness (often thought of as a sign of mindfulness), as measured by the accuracy of self-reported thought
count and self-reported muscular tension in the forehead. I will also be comparing the self reports of mindfulness and anxiety to our physiological data. Anxious people may have low mindfulness because they are unable to stay in the moment because they spend much of their time worrying about the past or the future (Molina, Borkovec, Peasley, & Pearson, 1998). By examining the accuracy of thought cunting and forehead tension, the difference between the hypersensitivity of anxiety and mindfulness may emerge.
It is hypothesized that anxious people will be more accurate, and thus more mindful, in their ability to correctly recall the number of their thoughts, but less accurate, and less mindful, in their ability to correctly estimate their forehead tension. In addition to examining these two categories of mindfulness, I will also be researching how mindfulness fits in with cognitive behavioral therapy for anxious people, how people can be taught to be more mindful, and the benefits of being mindful.
|
Actions of the Amygdala
Dana Bakalar
Mentor: Professor Thomas
The amygdala is a section of the temporal lobe which acts to create anxiety. It is believed that several other areas, such as the medial prefrontal cortex and the lateral septum, send inhibitory inputs to the amygdala to mediate these anxiety producing effects. In order for the amygdala to cause anxiety, then this inhibitory system must be inhibited in some way so that the first sign of increased amygdala firing is not countered by these inhibitory regions. The mechanism of inhibition is still unknown, but to understand it we must first understand the relationship between the amygdala and its inhibitory regions.
This study will examine the actions of the amygdala and the lateral septum in conditioned fear environments. Rats were implanted with a bundle of eight small electrodes in each of these regions so that single cell activity could be recorded. Rats were then placed alternately in a chamber where they were safe from shock and one in which they received regular shocks. The two chambers were designed to look very different from one another so that rats could tell them apart easily. We hypothesize that in the safe chamber the lateral septum will fire more than the amygdala, since it is acting to inhibit the fear causing firing there and that in the shock chamber the amygdala will show more activity and the lateral septum less.
We will then administer an anti-anxiety drug, chlordiazopoxide, to the rats and put them back into the chambers. We predict that with the addition of the drug, the differences in firing rate in each chamber will be evened out, since the drug blocks the inhibition of the lateral septum that is the cause of increased amygdal firing.
|
Use of Observer and Character Viewpoints in Storytelling
Kara Rosania
Mentor: Professor Robert Wozniak
It is unclear whether the concepts a person uses while telling a story are related to the perspective that the speaker has of that story. The purpose of this study is to examine this issue. Speakers represent stories from one of two viewpoints: character or observer viewpoint. A character viewpoint one in which the action is described as though the speaker is performing it himself, as though he were the character in the story. An observer viewpoint is one in which the person represents the character, object being acted upon, and/or action as though he were observing the action from an external perspective.
This study seeks to answer the question of whether a story is more frequently represented from a character viewpoint when telling a story that was read as a first-person narrative than when telling a story read as a third-person narrative, and if a story is more frequently represented from an observer viewpoint when telling a story read as a third -person narrative than when telling a story read as a first -person narrative. Participants are given a story to read and then retell from memory. All participants are shown a story with the same plot, but half are shown a version told in the first-person perspective and half are shown a version told in the third-person perspective. During the retelling, the concepts used by participants are recorded as either Character Viewpoint or Observer Viewpoint.
We hypothesize that those participants who read the story written in the first-person will feel that they are viewing the events from the perspective of the character telling the narrative, and those who read the story written in the third-person will feel like they are viewing the events from the perspective of an observer. These perspectives will match the types of concepts used in the retelling.
|
Comprehension of Verb Oriented Gestures
Emily Lehrer
Mentor: Professor Robert Wozniak
Children learn to represent objects in a variety of ways. In the earliest stages of life, infants can only process objects that they are directly acting upon. Rapidly, the infant becomes able to think about these objects when they are not directly being acted upon or even in sight. In the toddler years, they are able to think about and represent these objects that are not immediately present through gestures.
These gestures can take two forms: body part as the object (BPO) gestures and imagined object (IO) gestures. It is important to note, however, that these gestures do not represent static objects, but rather actions one would perform with the object in hand. Obviously, there are many questions that arise around these toddlers’ gestures: Does it matter for comprehension whether the gesture is BPO or IO? Is there an age where one of these gesture types is more common? Would the child recognize the gesture and relate it to a “real world” action?
To test this, I have arranged a two-phase gesture task to administer to this age group. The child would be asked to view video prompts where two empty-handed gestures are being preformed. The child will be asked to indicate which side of the screen has the person performing the target action (e.g. hammering). There will be two conditions for this task; the child will either be assigned to viewing all BPO or IO gestures.
Next, to assure that the child is selecting (or not selecting) the correct gesture because they know (or do not know) the action, the second phase will show a person performing two tasks with an object in hand. On one side of the screen the object will be using the object for its intended purpose (e.g. a hammer for hammering). On the other side the person will be using the object incorrectly (e.g. a hammer for drinking). The child will once again be asked to indicate which side of the screen has the person performing the target action. There will be an equal number of trials in each phase so that all the object actions covered in the empty-handed phase
|
|
Sex Differences in General Knowledge
Liz Hong
Mentor: Anjali Thapar
Intelligence is a frequently researched topic in the field of psychology. The predominant model of intelligence found in the literature describes intelligence as having two subcomponents: fluid intelligence (Gf) and crystallized intelligence (Gc). Fluid intelligence is often described as reasoning ability—this form of intelligence is necessary for such tasks as solving algebraic equations and an individual's Gf deteriorates during later life. Crystallized intelligence is involved in acquiring and maintaining a broad vocabulary and in ability to learn new foreign languages; unlike Gf, Gc remains mostly stable throughout an individual's adulthood.
Both fluid and crystallized intelligence are further divided into their own subcomponents. Of particular interest to this research is a subcomponent of Gc known as general knowledge. General knowledge is roughly defined as information that is disseminated to the public via multiple means of media (examples domain of general knowledge are: music, sports, general science concepts, history, etc.). Although the overall construct of intelligence has been a research focus for many decades, general knowledge received minimal attention until recently. In the past several years the research on general knowledge has indicated that, like other aspects of intelligence, sex differences exist within this subcomponent: males significantly and substantially outperform females on tests of general knowledge. One study found that these differences were not accounted for by bias in the tests used to measure general knowledge (such that the questions might favor males) or by "differential experience" (due to different environments during childhood). Yet, no possible cause for this phenomenon has been found or put forth.
Therefore, the current research seeks to replicate the findings of previous studies while utilizing a different test from that found in most of the literature. Additionally, a major goal of the experiment will be to gain insight into what variables lead to this disparity in general knowledge between males and females.
|
Self Report in Pigeons
Abbey Mann
Mentor: Professor Newman
Previous research has been done that examines the accuracy of pigeon self-report. It is not clear, however, if the results of these experiments, which indicated that pigeon are accurate, actually measures self-report. It is possible that previous research was actually measuring the accuracy with which pigeons recognize what response is asked of them, not the accuracy with which they discriminate their own chosen behavior. This experiment attempts to tease apart these tasks in an effort to determine whether pigeons really can accurately report their own behavior. To obtain reinforcement (access to food), the pigeons were be required to respond to a differential reinforcement of low-rate of behavior (DRL) or a differential reinforcement of high-rate of
behavior (DRH) schedule. The longer and shorter intervals of time both started at 1 second and were gradually moved apart from one another. Eventually the DRH required a .5 second inter-response time and the DRL required a 6 second inter-response time. Hence, the DRH required the pigeon to peck fast and the DRL required the pigeon to peck slow in order to obtain reinforcement. What initially makes this experiment different from previous work is that after the probe phase (in which the pigeons are taught to discriminate between the DRL and DRH), they are presented with a choice of either schedule and then asked to report on their own behavior.
|
|
|